The enduring question about Honduras, following the 2009 coup and the subsequent election of Porfirio Lobo as president, is where power actually resides in the country. The power behind the coup was less that of the military or any of the political parties than it was that of the financial elite of the nation who resisted the modest movements made by one of their own – then President Manuel Zelaya – to establish a more equitable situation in the nation. Currently, it does not appear that President Lobo has much more control of these forces than his predecessor had. In June, Lobo announced that his newly elected government was already the target of threats and that he believed opponents were in the process of orchestrating another coup to oust him.
This month teachers are now on strike in the country, protesting government plans to privatize the education system. They are also demanding that the government make good on nearly $195 million [US] owed to their pension fund. Other workers have come out in support of the teachers and are demanding that Zelaya’s intentions to increase the minimum wage in the country be honored. Police response to the demonstrations has become more aggressive, and on August 20th, several protestors were wounded in their confrontation with authorities.
The United States has decided to back the government of Porfiro Lobo, and, last June, Hillary Clinton urged the Organization of American States to readmit Honduras. At the same time, both the US and European governments encouraged Lobo to proceed with a Truth Commission which is to examine the events that followed the coup and to ensure the protection of human rights in Honduras.
The OAS responded to the request from Secretary Clinton by releasing a report in which they said the Honduran government had made significant steps in the restoration of democratic processes in the country and in guaranteeing the protection of human rights. As a result of that report, several Latin American nations (Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Panama, and Peru) have reestablish diplomatic relations with Honduras
Other human rights monitoring agencies, both within and without Honduras, are less certain about the protections being afforded citizens in that country. In particular, international attention has been drawn to the murders of some nine journalists since January, all of whom had been critical of the coup. The most recent of these was Israel Zelaya Diaz, a radio commentator. No arrests have yet been made in response to these killings.
It is possible that President Lobo does hope that his Truth Commission will be successful, and members of the government may be sincere in a desire to address human rights abuses. The question is whether the government has the power to bring about real change.
Current evidence suggests that the real power in the country is in the hands of businessmen who have even been able to command military forces to come to their aid in certain situations – reminiscent of the military’s collusion with anti-Zelaya forces in the 2009 coup. [See the July 2010 issue of Envio for specific examples.]
The forces which disapproved of the directions in which Zelaya was going will doubtless continue to resist any liberalization undertaken by any of the political parties in Honduras. Journalists have been targeted because there is a desire that the media not demonstrate any criticisms of the current state of affairs or question the motives behind the 2009 coup.
The US continues to support Lobo because they fear the spread of “authoritarian democracies” like that in Venezuela. Lobo needs the support of the US, but he will only continue to receive it if he is able address human rights and other grave issues in the country. The question remains whether his government has the strength to resist the conservative forces which had ousted Zelaya.
